EDITORIAL: Hu Jintao's visit to Japan

Chinese President Hu Jintao will arrive in Japan on Tuesday for a five-day visit. It is undoubtedly an event of historic importance--the first trip to Japan by China's paramount leader in 10 years since Hu's predecessor, Jiang Zemin, came here in 1998.

When Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda visited China late last year, he voiced his wish to bolster ties between the two Asian powers. "I want to make sure that next year will see a leap forward in Japan-China relations," Fukuda told Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao.

Hu's travel will be followed by other important events, including the annual Group of Eight (G-8) summit in the Lake Toyako resort in Hokkaido and the Summer Olympics in Beijing. After many years of trying to keep Japan's diplomatic relationship with China in good shape, Fukuda seized the opportunity to stress his determination to pursue the goal with continued zeal.

Only four months or so since that time, however, the balmy diplomatic climate between the two countries has disappeared. Some unfortunate events have dampened the mood: food poisoning among Japanese consumers by tainted frozen gyoza dumplings imported from China; Beijing's bloody crackdown on protesters in Tibet and the subsequent disruptions of the Olympic torch relay; and the diplomatic stalemate over gas exploration in disputed territories in the East China Sea.

Instead of warm expectations of "a leap forward" in bilateral ties, a chilling disillusionment is now emerging between the two nations.

The current ties between Tokyo and Beijing, however, are not as bad as they often were in the past decade. When Jiang visited Japan 10 years ago, relations were strained over the issue of Japan's repentance over its past invasion of China.

Japan-China relations reached their lowest ebb during the administration of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who repeatedly visited Yasukuni Shrine despite China's strong protests, making it difficult for the two countries to even hold meetings of their leaders.

Three years ago, unprecedented waves of anti-Japanese protests swept through China.

The fact that Hu is coming to Japan is probably evidence that things have improved markedly from those times.

The thaw in Japan-China ties began with former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's diplomatic initiative to build relations based on strategic mutual benefits between the two countries. Fukuda secured further progress by charting a realistic course for Japan's diplomacy toward China.

Intransigence deepening the gulf

What, then, has led to the current situation? Most importantly, the fundamental dynamics of Japan-China relations have changed dramatically. Issues concerning Japan's wartime past are no longer the principal threat to relations as they were in the past.

China's posture and behavior, which reflect its growing presence and confidence about its status in the globalizing world, and the sense of uneasiness generating among Japanese are creating a deep gulf between the two nations.

But tension is growing not just between Tokyo and Beijing. The Chinese rulers' intransigence as demonstrated by their reactions to criticism from the West over human rights oppression in Tibet has triggered more than disruptions of the Olympic torch relay.

Some Western leaders have decided not to attend the Opening Ceremony for the Olympics.

From China's point of view, however, Tibet is an indivisible part of its territory and any separatist move is unacceptable. This is an issue of principle that allows no room for compromise, as are the issues of Taiwan and other minority groups in China.

Despite being a large country with a long history, China was ravaged for about a century from the mid-19th century to the end of World War II by Western colonial powers and Japan.

However, China is now on a historical path toward becoming a leading political and economic power in the world. Many Chinese are apparently indignant over what they see as unfair foreign criticism leveled at the emerging giant. Such feelings are reflected in the fervent patriotism shown by young Chinese.

But how a country deals with the rights of ethnic minorities is important in today's international society. The world community cannot be indifferent on whether a country like China protects the human rights and cultures of minority groups.

China, which will host the Olympic extravaganza this summer, cannot get away with self-righteous disregard for international public opinion in dealing with such issues.

Chinese leaders can take a first step toward improving the situation only by understanding the international nature of the Tibet issue and starting constructive dialogue with the Dalai Lama side.

The way China has responded to the dumpling poisoning incident encapsulates what Japanese regard as the principal reason for their unpleasant feelings toward the country.

Many Japanese must have been surprised and appalled by the Chinese government's unilateral conclusion that there is little possibility that the toxic substance blamed for the poisoning had been added to the dumplings in China.

The incident reflects the deepening economic interdependence between the two countries, as symbolized by Japan's huge food imports from China. Although the food-poisoning scandal has raised serious questions about China's regulations on agricultural chemicals, factory management and its credibility itself, Beijing's response has been disturbingly inflexible and slow.

China's Asian neighbor

Observers of Chinese politics have long recognized that China's Japan policy tends to be used as a surrogate for political battles in the corridors of power in Beijing. Some pundits speculate the Chinese government's intransigence over the dispute over the tainted dumplings was due to strong pressure on the Hu administration from hard-liners among the top echelons of China's leadership demanding a tough stance toward Japan.

The same may be true about the diplomatic impasse over the proposed joint development of natural gas fields in the East China Sea, which at one point seemed to have a good chance of becoming reality.

There were apparently calls in China for putting off Hu's visit to Japan.

Proponents of the postponement were concerned that Hu's first trip abroad after the bloodshed in Tibet will inevitably attract critical attention from the world. And Japan is in no mood to offer a warm welcome for Hu. If the Chinese leader shows a conciliatory posture toward Japan, they fear, his power base at home could be weakened.

Meanwhile, Fukuda himself is in political hot water, with his Cabinet's approval ratings languishing around 20 percent. Many politicians within his Liberal Democratic Party are calling for a hard-line stance toward China over the Tibet and other issues.

There is perhaps little hope for major and tangible progress toward the solution of any sticky bilateral issue.

Still, the summit between the two leaders to be held this week carries significance, and not just because the political leader of a country should talk directly to people in the other country when relations between the two nations are going through a rough patch.

China's actions are being closely watched by the rest of the world because of the country's huge economic, political and military presence.

Beijing's attitude is now being criticized as out of sync with the values and diplomatic principles shared widely by the international community. This is creating a rift between China and the rest of the world. If this rift continues to deepen, that would hurt the interests of both the world and China.

In their talks, Fukuda and Hu should address such international concerns. Fukuda should start their discussions by candidly pointing to the intensive international focus on China's behavior.

As China's Asian neighbor, Japan has some advantages over Western nations in seeking candid talks with Beijing.

--The Asahi Shimbun, May 4(IHT/Asahi: May 6,2008)