The author, Gong Ro-Myung, 73, is a former foreign minister of South Korea, the Korean chairman of the Japan-South Korea Forum, and president of the Asahi Shimbun Asia Network. He also served as South Korea's ambassador to the USSR, Russia and Japan.

To Mr. K of Japan:

The result of the September 11 general election in Japan, which took the form of a de facto "national referendum" in which Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi sought a vote of confidence from the Japanese people, stunned neighboring Asian countries in a manner similar to the other September 11 incident which took place in the United States four years ago.

My honest impression of the election outcome was that I sensed portents of a seismic change occurring in Japanese politics. It can readily be imagined that this victory will have a great impact on future politics in Japan. That is because, with the ruling coalition parties - the Liberal Democratic Party and New Komeito - holding more than two-thirds of the total Lower House seats, any decision made from now on in the House of Representatives will effectively become a decision of the entire Diet.

Many Japan watchers in South Korea believe the new development is likely to give renewed impetus to moves in Japan to revise the current Constitution. I agree with that view. In tandem with constitutional amendments, Japan will inevitably turn the present Self-Defense Forces into armed forces and expand military capacity. It goes without saying that Japan should be careful to act as a peace-loving nation so that it can retain the trust of neighboring nations.On the other hand, it will probably become necessary for South Korea and China to understand Japan's moves in a healthy way to become an "ordinary nation."

As a neighboring nation, South Korea has a strong interest in the effect that the overwhelming support given to Prime Minister Koizumi will have on Japan's future foreign policy. There is a diversity of opinions on what will result.

As to the major issue of Prime Minister Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine, a great majority of the South Korean people hold the view that the visits will continue. There is, on the other hand, a minority view that, as he has secured strong support from voters, it should be possible for him to alter his stance without having to worry about right-wing members of the ruling LDP.

There is no doubt that a serious issue for South Korea is how it should deal with the Koizumi regime which has secured such strong support from the Japanese people. There are a number of outstanding issues between the two countries, including the questions of Yasukuni and Dokdo (Takeshima) Island and differences in their historical perspectives. In particular, visits to Yasukuni are an extremely delicate question as they are directly related to the actions of Prime Minister Koizumi himself. Yasukuni Shrine not only enshrines 14 Class-A war criminals, but also refuses to recognize the last war as having resulted from Japanese aggression. If the Prime Minister keeps visiting a shrine which has such an historical view, how should South Korea respond? To date, no satisfactory plan has been envisioned.

Prime Minister Koizumi has visited Pyongyang twice to resolve pressing issues between Japan and North Korea. Once North Korean nuclear issues have been settled, genuine talks aimed at normalizing diplomatic relations between Japan and that country will presumably take place. If Japan is to normalize its relationship with North Korea, it will have to iron out differences in stance, not only with the United States, but also with South Korea and China. I believe, therefore, that it will not be in Japan's best interests to allow its relations with those two countries to remain as they are.

If Japan regards China, which is assuming greater prominence, with hostility and stakes its position wholly on the Japan-U.S. alliance, it could eventually bring about the isolation of the United States in east Asia. This strategic view has recently become prevalent among some American experts on Asian affairs, and Japan ought to take such opinions into account.

Some Japanese who have anti-Chinese views often argue that relations with China will not improve even if Japan makes concessions on the Yasukuni issue. However, it might not be too late to mend ties if Japan considers subsequent moves after having extracted the thorn represented by Yasukuni. Moreover, such a move would, I believe, put Japan in a more advantageous moral position.

When Prime Minister Koizumi called the Lower House election as a means of breaking through a political impasse, President Roh Moo-hyun was reported to have been envious of the decision and to have highly evaluated the prime minister's political leadership. After the election, the president sent a congratulatory message to the prime minister, in which he called the victory "a reflection of the Japanese people's evaluation of his leadership and faith in reform." Furthermore, President Roh expressed his hope that Prime Minister Koizumi would make further efforts in order that "relations between the two countries will develop in a future-oriented and constructive manner."

In order for Prime Minister Koizumi to be remembered for a long time as a respected Asian leader, it is desirable that courageous decisions be made to overcome the friction which Japan is now experiencing with neighboring nations.

My hope is that the outcome of the latest election will serve as an opportunity to develop a new and cooperative Asian diplomacy for Japan.