I was interested to note that Finance Minister Kiichi Miyazawa chose his Indonesian counterpart Prijadi Praptosuhardjo to be one of the guests seated at his table during a working luncheon at the Okura Hotel in Kobe, after the two-day finance ministerial gathering under the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) wound up on Jan. 14.

He had held a bilateral talks with Prijadi earlier in the morning. I do not think the choice was made because Prijadi is a big name since Prijadi himself is not particularly popular in Indonesia. The luncheon was attended by 14 finance ministers, many of them better known internationally than the Indonesian minister.

It might be only coincidence, but I believe the choice symbolized Miyazawa's concern and sympathy for Indonesia, which is still embroiled in political and economic turmoil.

Prijadi's presence at the summit was to represent President Abdurrahman Wahid, who although construed in some quarters as very weak, is in fact the first democratically elected leader among the country's four presidents since independence in 1945.

An abrupt reduction of economic ties with Japan would not only spell the political end for Wahid, but it would seriously damage the democratization process that has begun to act as a counterbalance to militarism in Indonesia.

Amid despondency among Japanese taxpayers over the amount of Japanese financial assistance that was abused in Indonesia during Suharto's 32-years rule, Miyazawa's warm attitude to Prijadi might also reflect his awareness that Indonesia holds out promise even though the country is in a state of chaos and even facing the possibility of disintegration.

Although its total foreign debts are in the region of $144 billion, including $69 billion in corporate sector debts, Indonesia is a lucrative market for Japan and important both economically and politically for this country; even more so, when it returns to normal. If Indonesia plunges into chaos, it will cause huge problems for Japan.

Already the spate of piracies in the Malacca Straits is causing serious security problems in terms of guaranteeing safe passage for ships. Many Japanese vessels have been targeted.

But the most dangerous security threat comes not from Indonesia but from the Korean Peninsula. North Korean leader Kim Jong Il remains very difficult to predict despite his recent openness to the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the world.

Indonesia is the top borrower in terms of Japan's official development assistance (ODA). And until the 1997 financial crisis, Indonesia was Japan's second largest recipient of direct investment. Vice versa, Japan is Indonesia's largest trading partner. It is also a major importer of LNG and oil products from Indonesia.

Indonesia, the fifth most populated nation in the world and the biggest Islamic nation, is too risky to be ignored-even though its unity right now remains a big question mark.

In a conversation after the lunch, Prijadi recalled how Miyazawa cautiously asked him about the slow progress achieved by Jakarta in implementing a pledge to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), one that caused the delay in the disbursement of a $400 million loan to Indonesia from the world organization.

Indonesia has signed dozens of letters of intent to the IMF since 1997, but the country's economy remains in a terrible condition.

Wahid's administration may hope for too much from Japan as its main source of its economic assistance, particularly since Japan itself is still haunted a 10-year economic slowdown. Indonesia is a key partner among the 10 ASEAN members.

I am afraid, however, that many Indonesians do not realize that although their country is pivotal to regional security and stability, it is but just one of Japan's global partners.

``Japan, up to now, is the most consistent among donor countries in assisting Indonesia both in terms of the amount and related conditions of aid,'' Prijadi pointed out when I asked about the Japanese government's position on Indonesia.

Miyazawa now is perhaps best remembered in Indonesia for his $30-billion Miyazawa Plan, which aimed to restore economic growth.

Just two months before Suharto fell in May 1998, ending his 32 years at the helm, then-Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto visited Jakarta to persuade him to abide by IMF rules by offering Indonesia $8 billion in fresh money as an incentive.

Hashimoto not only failed to persuade Suharto, but he himself had to give up his position following the failure of the Liberal Democratic Party in the June Lower House election.

There currently is a major debate in Japan about its ODA. Some argue that ODA should be reduced because Japan itself is in difficulties, while much of the money has been abused by the recipient countries.

Others contend that the assistance program must be maintained because money plays a major role in Japan's global diplomacy and economy. Taxpayers are more critical now about how the funds are spent because their own country still faces uncertainties and they worry about their own future.

``We are not an ATM for Indonesia,'' said a Japanese friend. The concern of the Japanese people is also shared by Indonesians because not only them, but also the next generation must share the burden of repaying the debt.

What is unfair for them is that they were not involved in the borrowing process. Their only duty is to bear the burden.

Much of the money was abused by Suharto's family, which was often involved with Japanese companies as well as U.S. and European firms.

I do hope Miyazawa's warmth toward the Indonesian minister also reflects the Japanese people's warmth to the establishment of a civil society in Indonesia.

Japanese support to the people on the basis of mutual benefit will help to prevent a comeback of militarism in Indonesia.

It is important to create more transparent, auditable and responsible economic cooperation. Japanese taxpayers should press their government to stick to internationally accepted international practices and end rampant bribery practices both in the government and the private sector.

Natsuko Saeki, secretary-general of the Network for Indonesian Democracy, Japan (NINDJA), says Japan must impose tougher conditions in lending money to Indonesia-even though she herself is very supportive of a new Indonesian order.

``A sudden cessation of loans to Indonesia will only be used by the military and pro status quo to regain power. However, we should not let our money is used in irresponsible ways like in the past,'' said Saeki.

The author is Jakarta Post staff reporter and also Asahi Shimbun Asia Network guest researcher in Tokyo.