Q: How do you see the post-Cold War security situation in East Asia?
A: Since the end of the Cold War, the East Asian situation has become relatively stable. But Cold War thinking still lingers and mutual trust is lacking. In the past, there was a time when increasing armaments and strengthening military alliances were regarded as effective means of security. But from now on, peace can be maintained only through equal dialogue and increased trust, China believes.
Q: In which direction do you think Japan should proceed in the 21st century?
A: The direction of Japan's security policy is a very sensitive issue for its neighbors, for historical reasons. China hopes Japan will firmly stick to the path of peace and development.
One of the important reasons why China is sensitive to Japan-U.S. security cooperation has to do with Taiwan. Including Taiwan in the scope of Japan-U.S. security cooperation either directly or indirectly violates China's sovereignty and interferes with its domestic affairs, and is something that the Chinese government and people cannot tolerate.
Japan has maintained that the Japan-U.S. security cooperation is defensive in nature, does not target any specific states or areas and will deal with the Taiwan problem based on the principles of the Japan-China joint declaration and the Japan-China treaty of peace and friendship. While China honors Japan's attitude and promise, it will attach even greater importance to its actual behavior.
The Japan-U.S. joint research and development of theater missile defense runs counter to the megatrend toward detente in post-Cold War Asia. It will lead to a tense situation, stimulate a new arms race and, in the end, will benefit no one.
In the 20th century, Japan followed two strikingly different paths. The path to peace and development is the right one that it chose after the end of the war, based on history lessons. This choice brought Japan prosperity and higher status in international society. We want Japan to start from its own fundamental interest, reflect on history and keep following this path into the future.
Japan is the second-largest economy in the world and the only industrially advanced nation in Asia. Up to now, it has played a positive role in the development and exchanges of the Asian economy. We hope it will recover from the current economic recession as quickly as possible so that it can make an even greater contribution to the stability of the Asian economy and recovery of growth in East Asian countries.
Q: What about the role of the United States?
A: The United States is a superpower that has an important impact on the world. For many years, the United States has maintained close ties with the Asia-Pacific region in terms of politics and economy and has great significance for peace and prosperity of this region. China attaches great importance to the positive role played by the United States in resolving regional problems. China hopes that the United States establishes a new basic concept of security centering on mutual confidence, mutual interests,
equality and cooperation to maintain regional peace and stability.
Q: What are the conditions needed to upgrade the Japan-U.S.-China security dialogue from the so-called Track 2 to government-level talks?
A: China, the United States and Japan are major powers of the Asia-Pacific region and are responsible for maintaining peace and stability in the region. Establishing a healthy, stable trilateral relationship is advantageous to regional peace and stability. We want the three countries to seek ways to further strengthen cooperation and mutual confidence through dialogue between scholars and continue to make a contribution to regional stability.
Q: What conditions are needed to institutionalize a nuclear-free zone on the Korean Peninsula?
A: China has always firmly maintained two basic goals concerning the nuclear problem on the Korean Peninsula: Supporting the realization of a nuclear-free Korean Peninsula and maintaining peace and stability on the peninsula.
Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is essentially a problem of both the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea) and the Republic of Korea (South Korea). Both sides issued a joint declaration to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula in 1992. We want the two sides to advance their effort to realize the goal stipulated in the declaration as early as possible. Once the Korean Peninsula becomes nuclear-free, all nuclear powers should properly meet their obligations. These include not using nuclear weapons to attack or threaten nuclear-free zones at any time.
Q: How will China engage in and respond to the Perry process?
A: Recently, a Japanese delegation led by (former Prime Minister Tomiichi) Murayama had successful talks with the North Korean side. Japan decided to lift sanctions against North Korea and the two sides agreed to resume negotiations to normalize diplomatic relations. China welcomes this as a positive step. If the United States can also advance in the same direction, we will also support it.
Q: How will Japan, China and South Korea now proceed, following their three-party summit meeting in November?
A: The contents of the dialogue of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and Japan, China and South Korea are all related to economic cooperation. The breakfast meeting of top Chinese, Japanese and South Korean leaders in Manila in November was conducted as a courtesy without the presence of the host nation or a planned agenda. Any two of the three countries could talk frankly about economic problems or any other issues, but it's still too early to establish a certain kind of trilateral relationship. It is clear that North Korea felt it would be put in a very disadvantageous position.
After engaging in Communist Party activities in Shanghai and elsewhere, Qian Qichen was disciplined in the Cultural Revolution. Before he became vice premier in 1993, he served as a councilor at the Chinese Embassy in Moscow and as foreign minister. Qian, 72, is also a member of the Chinese Communist Party Politburo.